Illyrian and Albanian - a linguistic approach

[exercitus]

And as the italians say LA CILIEGIA SOPRA LA TORTA, ENJOY IT .... your beloved CRNA GORA https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Španje https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mataruge https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bukumiri https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kriči & BURMAZOVIC, ZOTOVIC, MALONSHIC et etc etc https://spirokulisic.wordpress.com/

 

[Garrick]

Well there is a little problem fella , with this Bulgarian Slavs were the majority of the population in the area by the Early Middle Ages,and remained a significant group in central and southern Albania through the 15th century. and this In the late 14th century, Venetian records note a number of Bulgarians (de genere Bulgarorum) from southern Albania being sold as slaves, suggestiong the Albanians may have subjugated the Slavic population. or again this
Не би могло да се даде отговор на въпроса за присъствието на албанците в днешна Южна Албания между XI и XIII в. В този период вестите за тях са изключително от района на север от р. Шкумбин

THE PUZZLE IS NOT COMPLETED .......It misses a piece of crucial evidence !!!!

Let put some light to this issue , shall we , Dr Konstantinos Giakoumis ... Presented 2 Clear Evidence about Albanians in Epirus ( southern albania & northwest greece) before the year(Annus Domini) """1210""" the Reference are (G. Tafel - G. Tomas (1856) 122) Venetian document( VENETIAN CLEVER GUYS i think that they were capable to distiguish a Bulgarian from a Albanian ) citation The presence of Albanians in the Epeirote lands from the beginning of the thirteenth century is also attested by two documentary sources: the first is a Venetian document of 1210, which states that the continent facing the island of Corfu is inhabited by Albanians;20 and the second is letters of the Metropolitan of Naupaktos John Apokaukos to a certain George Dysipati, who was considered to be an ancestor of the famous Shpata family.21 Furthermore, I suggest that names that appear in two acts of the Angevins of Naples dated 130422using the forms, Albos, Spatos, Catarucos, Bischesini, Aranitos, Lecenis, Turbaceos, Marchaseos, Scuras, Zeneuias, Bucceseos, Logoresc and Mateseos are either well-known, less-known or totally unknown names of Albanian clan leaders at that time. Are we obliged to see in this a possible earlier Albanian immigration in the Epeirote lands, as Kostas Komis did in the case of the etymology of the toponym 'Preveza'?23 I believe that the use of hypothetical immigrations as a basis to interpret sources that indicate the presence of Albanians in the Epeirote lands prior to the thirteenth-fourteenth century is somewhat arbitrary. For it serves the concept of national purity in zones with clear lines of communication, mutual relations (as linguistic research has proved24) and common. SO WHAT IS WRITTEN HERE IS A TOTAL BULLSHIT , SPECULATION , NONSENSE AND OFFENSIVE .... ALBANIANS LIVED IN A CONSIDERABLE AMOUNT NOT ONLY IN KUTMITCHEVITSA REGION AS A MAJORITY, BUT TOWARD THE EXTREME SOUTH , EPIRUS ( SARANDA TO PREVESA ) THE MOUNTAINS IN FRONT OF CORFU ISLAND AS VENETIANS CONFIRM BEFORE THE A.D 1200 , Не би могло да се даде отговор на въпроса за присъствието на албанците в днешна Южна Албания между XI и XIII в. В този период вестите за тях са изключително от района на север от р. Шкумбин

First is totaly a wrong methodology to equalize TOPONYMY=ETHNIC POPULATION because it is relative and subjective , it depends from historical conditions and political-administrative situations, it is not a ABSOLUTE CRITERIA . More than 2\3 of Greece is full of slavic toponymy , NO ONE says the 2\3 of greeks are of slavic origin , so why u treat the case of south Albania differently???

About the eastern part ( i.e. western Macedonia) , because yet i cannot publish the links , i will send them piece by piece .

The early evidences of the presence of albanians in the 13-th and 14-th century in Kosovo, western Macedonia , Montenegro( great part of this FACTS where TOTALY IGNORED by Dimitrije Bogdanovic in "Knjiga na kosovu " 1985 ) from the Serbian Church sources

The aim of this study is to determine the level of
Slavization of the names of the Albanian ethnos during
the 13th and 14th centuries in present-day Kosova and
other regions of Yugoslavia, where they live today.

On the bases of the historical religious and social
conditions under which the Albanian ethnos lived in
those centuries in the regions where they live today,
we can affirm that this part of the Albanian names
of the Albanian ethnos is in fact the minimum of a unified
anthroponymic system of that ethnos which during those
centuries had nearly been Slavized from the onomastie
point of view.

We shall give here only one example which proves
that not only during the Middle Ages was there an Al-
banian population in Kosova, Macedonia and Montenegro,
but also that it had its own na:ional language. Our
example has to do with the replacement of the patronym
with an attribute which has as its basis the ethnic name
of the inhabitants — an attribute which must be taken
as a feature of the ethnic belonging. Hence, for exam-
ple, in the chrysobull of Stefan Dusan with which he
confirmed the noble Ivanko Probistitovic of Shtipi in
the possession of a garden, there is also mention of such



2 See Oblast BremkoviCa, opsirni katastarski popis iz 1435
godine, Sarajevo 1972.

3 See Selami Pulaha, Registration Book of the Shkodra
Sandjak of 1485, Tirana 1974.



248



people as Mano Vllahu, Gin Arbanasi, Dragosllav Vllahu,
Dragosllav Serb*. We point out that this is one among
many such cases especially in the territory under the rule
of the Brankovices, which testifies that the names too
reveal the ethnic belonging of the individuals who bear

them. . . , . . , n

In the case of the Albanian ethnos we must take
into account the family and blood relations among the
inhabitants of a village or family (although in the Serbian
church documents blood relations appear rarely), lne
linguistic belonging of the personal names may often
lead to denial of the existence of the Albanian ethnos in
one or several villages of Kosova, Montenegro, Mace-
donia and southeastern Serbia, however, the cases with
the names of the Albanian villages (called «Katun Ar-
banasa*) such as Greve, where the inhabitants nearly all
have Slavonic names, the case of the Katun Arbanasa
which is situated in the surroundings of the present vil-
lage of Xerxe, where the names are in the mam part
Slavonic, then the names of the villages described were
Wallachian (Bllace, Pinusinc, Kostecan today Kostrec,
Susican, Studencan, Ngucat, Bernjaka and others), there
are a few Albanian names which support the idea that
the Albanian ethnos was much larger in number than
what may be presumed from the names and the other
data in the field of onomastics.



*

* *

Seen chronologically, the earliest proof of the pre-
sence of the Albanian ethnos during the 13th century in
present-day Kosova (judging on the basis of a place name

4 A. Solovjev, Odabrani spomemci srpskog vrava, Beograd,
1926.



249



which has an Albanian ethnic name as its second part)
is that mentioned in a letter of Knjaz Miroslav before
the years 1253-1254.. .

From this document of the first half of the 13th
century it emerges that Miroslav had, apart from the
villages on the bank of Humi, two villages in the present
territory of Kosova. He also had a village near Dukagjin
(in the document: Hvosno) and another in Drenica (in
the document: Derzkovina); near Dukagjin he had the
village of Rakos whereas in Drenica he had the village
of Krusevc in the surroundings of present-day Serbica.

When Miroslav defined (before 1253-1254) the bound-
ary of the present village of Krusevc of Serbica, he said
that it extended «. . . from the mountain to the Devic
stream, from there over the mountain to the stream of
the Albanians in the mountains and from there to the
river, in Klina^"'.

Another proof which, on the basis of the linguistic
belonging of the names, speaks of the presence of
the Albanian ethnos, is perhaps that of the years 1293-
1302 in which, among the inhabitants of a place called
Ship in the present village of Pogragje of the Klina re-
gion, there are: Dobrosllav the son of ' Gjin, Gergo Kavac
one of the sons of Zverk and Bratil the son-in-law of
Gon of whom we may say that they are Albanians names
Gon r ' (Gjon) Gjergj and an antroponym Zverk or a nick-
name formed from the word zverk (neck).

More detailed data have to do with the anthroponymic



5 St. Stojanovid, Start srpski hrisovulji, Ijetopisi, rodosllovi. . .
in Spomenik III, Belgrade, 1890, p. 9.

6 In our opinion it should be taken up as a separata
study whether Gon is the Slavonic variant of the Albanian
name Gjon or some older phase of the Albanian or a diminu-
tive of the anthroponym Progon. We have seen manv cases
which prove that Gon is the diminutive of Progon whereas
in other cases it emerges as Slavonic variant or an ancient
phase of the Albanian name Gjon,



250

-DRENICA 1253 , " the stream of Albanians" By knez Miroslav - KLINA , pogragje village 1293 Albanian presence "en masse" GJIN, GJON, GJERGJ etc

material of the Albanian ethnos offered by the Decan
chrysobull of 1330 which gives, although not always, the
names of the inhabitants of the places under the rule
of the Decan feud. An analysis of this chrysobull has
been recently made by Muhamet Ternava. 7

From some of the data of this chrysobull it emerges
that in the villages which were property of the Decan
feud, there were inhabitants with Slavonic names, Al-
banian names and Wallachian names. Among the in-
habitants with Albanian names in those regions are Pren-
ko s , an inhabitant of the village of Bohoriq, Bukur and
Toloje in the present village of Isnic of that region 9 ,
whereas in the present village of Gramacel there was
one Gon 111 .

The more Albanian names we find, the greater the
possibility of seeing the depth of the penetration of the
Serbian names among the Albanian ethnos in the village
called -«katun arbanasa» in the chrysobull, which was
situated on the right side of the Drin River, near the
present village of Xerxe. The number of inhabitants with
Albanian names in that village is greater than those with
Slavonic names. Here we see the following inhabitants:

*les tuz i s detiju branislav curko s bratijom i s
detiju svingolv i s detiju gon busat i gon i petro, i gin
gratan georgic i budan. Petr sum a i s bratiom mataguz
sbratom lazor i prijezda. krec s detju, gonoma. . This
chrysobull also mentions names of the present village of



7 Muhamet Ternava, The Albanians in the Decern Feud in
the 30's of the 14th Century according to the Decan Chrysobull,
Bulletin of the Philosophy Faculty of Prishtina, IX, Prishtina 1974.

8 See Milog and Milojevic, Decamke Krisovulje in G-lasnik
Srpskog ucenog drustva, Drugo odeljenje, Knj. XTI, Beograd
1880, p. 8.

9 M. Milojevic, ibidem, p. 72.

10 Ibidem, pp. 16, 84.

11 We recall that there is reason to think that the name
Shok is translated as Drugovic xvhich is seen in the case of the



51



Xerxe... inhabitants of Xerxa were: Rajko Ginovic and
his brother, Rajan and his children, Radesa Tudorovic
and her children, Ivansa and her children, Male and Mile
and their children, Gale and Radoslav, Perkvo and their
children, Brata Gjonovic, Budisllav Bunkov (a) c, Bojko
Mausovic and Dragan, Bogoje Tisanovic, Dragan and the
children, Cipc and the children, Stojko Velijanovic and
Hranko Glusac. 12

The presence of the Albanian ethnos in Kosova in
the 30's of the 14th century is also proved by the names
found in the village of Serosa (which some locate in the
region of Decan keeping in mind the fact that it belonged
to the Decan feud — which is wrong because from the
point of view of its name it should be placed in the region
of Rahovec where the Serosh village can be found ) 13



inhabitant Priboje Drugovic of the region of Plava which is
mentioned in 1348 in the chrysobull of St. DuSan, the mona-
stery at St. Arhangel of Prizren {see Hrisovulja cam Stefana
Dmana koiom osniva manastir St. Arhangel Mihaila i Gavrila u
Prizrenu 1348, in Glasnik druStva Srbske Slovenosti, sveska XV,
Beograd 1862, p. 303).

12 «Sacuvana su nam i zanimljiva imena stareSina tadasnjih
£erzevskih porodica, podanika protopope Prohora, i prvih cuvara
decanskih. To su bili: Rajko Ginovic s bracom, Rajan s decom.
Ozroje s decom, Kostreva s bracom i decom, Rade&a Tudoro-
vic s decom, Ivansa s decom, Malac i Milac s decom, Faljej i
Radoslav, Kuzma i Semijun, Djurdjie, Bojislav i brat mu Radin,
Radoslav i Dobroslav, Prkov s decom, Brata Djonovie, Budi-
slav Bukovac, Bojko Mausovic i Dragan, Bogoje TiSanovic,
Dragan s decom Gipac s decom, Stojko Velijanovic i Hranko
Glusac (pp. 129-130 of the chrysobull — see Rad. M. Grujic,
Licna vlastelinstva srskih crkvenih pretpostavnika u XIV i XV
veku, in Glasnik Skopskog naucnog drustva, III, 1934, p. 63).

13 According to notes we have found later, there is every
reason to think that during the 14th century in several church
documents the name Serosh included a separate region near
Gjakova and not a village or a smaller territorial unit.



252



where among other inhabitants a «runko a brat mu rad
a sin mu hodan a brat mu prenko~ and «pnbislav a brat
mu busat a sin mu dragos» u also appear.

There is no doubt that among the inhabitants mere
are Albanian names and patronyms. Such are the sur-
names Ginovic and Gonovic, which prove, on the basis
of the logic, that the Albanians had been there without
doubt even before 1330, because Rajko who was a head
of family was the son of Gjin or of the Gjmis family,
and in the same manner Brata Gjonovic, Of this category
is the inhabitant Boboje Tisanovic in the family name
of whom there is every reason to look for the Albanian
name. Tish which is found in the present Albanian name
Tish and the family name Tishuk. Among the inhabitants
of Xerxe at the time of the chrysobull there were some
who had Albanian names such as Mal 3 Mil Bob which
are written with Slavonic suffixes in the chrysobull.

As many scholars have stressed the other inhabitants
of this village who do not have Albanian names are not
necessarily of a non-Albanian ethnos, but those who have
Albanian names, mostly family names, are those among
whom the Albanian names have been preserved un-
consciously. The possibility of the Albanianization ot the
Slavonic ethnos is ruled out, because of the economic,
religious and historical conditions in which the Albanian
ethnos lived during the 13th and 14th centuries.

Another proof of the same nature is found about the
village of Sushican of Dukagjin, which is called a Wal-
lachian village where among the inhabitants with Slavonic
and Wallachian names, in 1330 in the Decan chrysobull,
a Smil and a Gin the son Mojan 15 emerge, which without
doubt is the characteristic Albanian name Gjin, and this
is not a unique case. Inhabitants called Wallachian but
with Albanian names apart from the Wallachian and
Serbian names, are to be found in Wallachian villages of



14 See M. Milojevic, Detamke Hrisovulje. . . , p. 46.

15 Ibidem, p. 122.

253



Bukagjin. Among them apart from Wallachian names
such as Sharban, Shishman, Kercul and the Slavonic names,
there are Albanian names such as Lesh, Gjin, Tol etc. , .

Fi •om a superficial study of the names of the in-
habitants of the Decan feud it emerges that the Albanian
population of that region used the names: Dede (in
Dedosh an inhabitant of Cabic, p. 90) Dode (Dodul — an
inhabitant of Gramacd, p. 84), Bale (Balko and Baloje,
inhabitant of Cerrabregu of Decan, p. 70), Meke (Mekjav'c,
Mekijna, Mejavcik, see pp. 58, 92, 20), Kel (Keljan in-
habitant of Doberdol of Klina p. 57), Bob (Bobeta, p. 57),
Beb (Bebel, Beben pp. 92, 93), Nike (Niksha, p. 51) Guri-
bardhe {Guribardhe, p. 21), Miran (p. 6), Mil (Miljak, p. 6,
72), Mirak (p. 48), Milot as Milotic, p. 6, Bel (as Beljano-
vic, etc.), also see place names further on Ladus (p: 38).
Gurakuq (Kurikuq, p. 38). Mai (Malja, p. 100), Dosh
(p. 100 etc).

The Albanian names of the population of the Decan
feud are Gin (Ranko Ginovic — - inhabitant of Prapa-
qan) 16 , Kuqi (in the form of Kueevc — inhabitant of
Cabiq) 17 , Tish {in the form of Tishan — inhabitant of
Cabic) 1 * Prek Cela (in the form of Prekocel — inhabitant
of Strelc) 19 , Mil (in the form Mile— inhabitant of Lubenic)*,
Curr (in the form Curi — inhabitant of Lebusha) 20 , Sume
(in the form of Sumnja — inhabitant of Rostovica) 21 ,
Bushat, Kuc, Mai, Prenk (inhabitants of Serosh) 22 , Sul
and Meks (inhabitants of Cabic) 23 , and others.

Among names which from the linguistic point of



16 Ibidem, p. 36.

17 Ibidem, p. 89.

18 Ibidem, p. 92.

19 Ibidem, p. 75.

20 Ibidem, p. 78.

21 Ibidem, p. 79.

22 Ibidem, p, , 45, 46.

23 Ibidem, pp. 91-92.



254



view are Albanian is the name Lul, which in the Serbian
documents emerges in the Serb form Lulic. The Banjeska
chrysobull gives the earliest proof of the presence of
this name among the inhabitants of Mediaeval Kosova.
In this source of the years 1313-1318 a Hranoe Lulic is
mentioned as a Wallachian inhabitant of the village of
Pijainc. i ' s We also find the same name later in those
regions. It is also mentioned among the inhabitants of an
Albanian ethnos in 1455- r ', whereas Gl. Elezovic finds it
in the cadastre book of Delvie of the 18th century and
identifies it with the family name Lulic of Vushtrica
which, according to the author of the dictionary, is one
of the most ancient families of that place.

Tol, which is mentioned in 1330 and 1348 is among
the names of the Albanian ethnos of the Middle Ages.
The Decan chrysobull of 1330 mention's a Toljislav the
brother of Bogoi, Toljislav, the son of Priboji, Toljislav
head of family and another Toljislav with his brother
Grada and Priboje 27 . In 1348, on the other hand, in the
village of Stavisa of Prizren. which under the Dusan
chrysobull was given to the Shen-Mehill monastery of
Prizren, there is a priest Troshan with his two brothers
Tolojen and Priboji 28 . We included the name Toloje among
the names of the Albanian ethnos of the Middle Ages on
the basis of the fact that in 1385 there were many in-
habitants of the Decan region with that name, and also
because their blood ties show that they belonged to the
Albanian ethnos. a thing that can also be explained by



24 See Lj. Kovacevic, Svetostefanska hrisovuija, Spomenik
IV, 1890, Beograd PP- 7, 8.

.25 See Oblast Brankovica, opsirni katastarski popis iz 1455
godine, Sarajevo 1972.

26 See Glisa Elezovic, Recnik Kosovsko-Metohiiskog dijalekta,
I, SKA, Beograd 1934, p. 372.

x 27 See M. Milosevic, Decanske hrisovulje. . . , p. 6-w,

28 See S. Novakovie, Selo, Srpska Knjizevna Zadruga, Beograd
1965 (reprinted), pp. .160-161.

255



the fact that in these regions to this day people still have
the family name Tol. Tolaj.

Another proof of the presence of the Albanian ethnos
on the basis of the names can be seen in the name Bardh
which is also found in 1348 in a letter of Stefan Dusan
which acknowledged all the donations of the predecessors
and added his own to the Hilendar monastery. In this
document in the Prizren region a bashtina (garden) of
Bardhi 29 is mentioned.

In the charter of 1355 of czar Dusan with which he
proved the property of the monastery of St. Nicholas
of Dobrusta among other people who will be in the service
of that monastery, is a certain Gin BeZi 3 «. a name which
without doubt is of the sphere of Albanian names. But
there is more to it. This should also be considered one of
classical examples of the Slavization of the names of the
Albanian ethnos. In these names we see, apart from the
phonetical Serbian adaption of Gjin to Gin, the transli-
teration of Bardhi to Bell In this case the Slavization
process of the Albanian names is also proved by the
Roman variant Gon Albi of the same name, 31 which is
an onomastic caique.

The Albanian ethnos is present not only in the town
of Prizren, but also in its surroundings (recall A se ar-
banasi; katun Ginovci, Katun Mag-jerci, Katun Bellogllav-
ci, Katun Flokovci, Katun Cernca, Katun Caparci, Katun
Gonovci, Katun Shpinadinci, Katun Novaci) 32 ,

Apart from this case Serbian church documents
provide facts that prove the presence of that ethnos in
the surrounding of Prizren, in the present villages of



29 See Stejan Novakovie, Zakonski Spomenici srpski drzava
rednjega veka, Beograd 1912, p. 423.

30 S. Novakovie, Zakonski Spomenici. . . , p. 423.

31 Dr. Ludivicus de Thalloczy, Dr. Constantinus Jirecek; Dr.
Emilianus de Sufflay, Acta et diplomata res Albaniae Mediae
letatis illustrantia II, p. 146

32 S. Novakovie Zakonski Spomenici. . . , p. S88.



258



Suhareka. Hence, the committee that had been selected
(24 of them) to define the boundaries of the villages of
Mamusha and Nistra 133 , which in fact consisted in marking
out the boundaries of the property of the Hilendar
monastery and the St. Archanger monastery of Prizren,
was made up of the following persons: Peiko Gincemc
from Reshtan, Rush Ginovic from Studencan, Petko Bu-
shat from Lezhan, Boshic Mzija from Bernjak and
others. 34

For this region we found antroponymic proof of the
presence of the Albanian ethnos in sources of this kind
also for the present villages Bllaca, Kabash, Ngucat, Jan-
gishta, Kostercari 35 and Sineja, Gullboc and Pinushin (no
longer existing), whereas the existence of the toponyms of
the Albanian anthroponymic type, during these centuries
is proved by the present villages of Kabash, Breza of
Opoja and in the non-existing village of Nistra.

This becomes clear if we recall that among the in-
habitants of the present village of Bllaca, called «a
Wallachian village*, in 1348 among other names there
are many with a Slavonic origin: Doda and his brother
and sons 36 , Baljan, Beri and his sons, Bob and his sons 37 ,



33 The village of Nistra, as can be seen from the text of
some letters and chrysobulls which had to do with these
regions, was in the region of the present village of Mamusha.
"astrebov (see Stem Srbija i Arbanija, Beograd 1901, p. 62) spoke
of this village and he, too, located it in the Mamusha region.
This is more convincing after finding in the terrain of Mamusha
the microtoponym Nistra and traces of a village which has
disappeared.

34 Aleksander Solovjev, Odabrani spomenici srpskog prava,
p. 216.

35 We might have to do with the present village of
Kosterc of the Suhareka region.

36 See Hrisavulja cara St. T}usana, . . , 1348, . , . p, 289.

37 Ibidem, p. 291.



17 — 54



257



Milesh and Gone arbanasi and their sons 38 . In the other
village (Ngucat) also called «a Wallachian village*, the
names Rob (twice), Balda, Baldovin-™ and others 40 . In
the village of Jancista there are individuals with the
names Rog-j& and Laloje. Among the inhabitants of the
*Waliachian» village of Kostercan appear the names Ber
and sons, Bogda Tanusevic and Pcversko Semanovic' jf . Here
are also mentioned the inhabitants Tul, Bujacin, Puloga
and Osmak" which must be considered "as" Albanian
names of the Albanian ethnos that have been preserved
to this day as family names and personal names. Hence,
among this ethnos today we find the patronyms Tuli,
Buja, Pulaha, Pula and Smaka (in all its variants Smakic.
Smakovic) etc. For many reasons we are led to think
that the inhabitant Belshut of the village of Vermiea of
the Prizren 43 district has an Albanian name which has
been preserved to this day only in family names and
nicknames. . .

Belonging to the present village of Sineja (Smainci
of the chrysobull) are also the inhabitants Pulashga Gra-



38 Ibidem, p. 292.
30 Ibidem, p. 294.

40 See Hrisovuija cava Stefam Dusana koim osniva manastir,
pp. 278-279.

41 The toponym Milesheva Bara is mentioned in the same
chrysobull (See Hrisovuija cava Stefana Dusana,.., p. 291) near
the place where this village bordered on the village of Banje
of Suhareka. In that toponym we see the Albanian name Mil
with the suffix-esh, which is an Albanian place name derived
from a personal name. Here we see that the suffix -esh, about
which much has been written (see Prof. A. Xhuvani and Prof
E. Qabej, The Suffixes of the Albanian Language, Tirana 1965,
pp. 37-38), may be of an Albanian origin, whereas from the
point of view of its age it is considered (Jokl, for example) of
the Roman period of the Albanian language.

42 Ibidem, p. 295.

43 Ibidem, pp. 295-2 9fl.



258

-BANJSKA CHrysobull 1313 - DECANSKI CHrysobull 1330( wich included a limited area of today Metohije " patkovo , Hvosna, Podrimlje, Altun etc) - Saint ArcheAngel Chrysobull by Tsar Dushan 1348 " the 9 (Arbanasi katuns) shepherd villages in the eastern PREZREN "GJINOVC,GJONOVC,FLOKOVC,SHPINADIJA, CAPARCI,etc -Monastir of Saint nicolas 1355 ...

-BANJSKA CHrysobull 1313 - DECANSKI CHrysobull 1330( wich included a limited area of today Metohije " patkovo , Hvosna, Podrimlje, Altun etc) - Saint ArcheAngel Chrysobull by Tsar Dushan 1348 " the 9 (Arbanasi katuns) shepherd villages in the eastern PREZREN "GJINOVC,GJONOVC,FLOKOVC,SHPINADIJA, CAPARCI,etc -Monastir of Saint nicolas 1355 ...

TETOVO year 1337 PROGON pronjare- ST. john year 1300 SKOPJE -BAR (Tivar) 1330 -Northeastern Kosovo 1355 (llapcevo) " prohibition to the albanian shepherds" -Vranjina monastir 1280 central Montenegro, " Gen VOGLI -ic , LESH, GJON ets - 1222 , ZICA Monaster, the early evidence of "vlachs & Arbanasi " in Montenegro " DEDA, DODA, TUSI, PRENKA etc" - 1326 village ZANJEV DO, BOSTUR near Kotor Bay , Northwestern Montenegro " GJIN ( DJINO) and Pal grupsic, Demeter SON OF BARD(H)ONJE"

(Sorry I must cut "Please shorten it to 60000 characters long")

How are you? What is new in Bangladesh? Daka is nice and interesting city.
...

Sory, it is not offense, we see here a lot of fictional things.

One example:

Serbian name Uglješa has no link with Uke and Lesh.

Something can be similar to two ends of the world. For example Korean Iseul has no link with African Isula.
...

Uglješa is old Serbian male name, origin is from the word ugljen, ugalj (coal), it means dark (as coal).
...

It makes nonsense to respond to all. Because it is not thread.
...

Greece is Greek land. Nobody claimed that it is Slavic land. If someone claim it is totally wrong.
...

We see here 12th, 13th 14th, 15th century, etc.

But nothing to do with Illyrian which extinct in third century.

Illyrians were Romanized and it is scientific fact.

...
If we follow Romanian scientists Carps and possible Costoboci could came to todays Albania about 6th-9th century.

Of course after that they could spread in Albania and surrounding (where lived Greeks, Aromanians, Slavs etc).

But Milan gave that in sixth century Slavic settlements covered today's Albania. And everyone can see Slavic settlements with letter B.

To continue with letters ?

...
And again thread is no Middle age, for that we can construct new threads.

 

[exercitus]

( a priori it seems that , serbs ,bulgarians and greeks are wrong about the distribution of the albanians in the middle ages !!!)Before i answer u properly about the real topic , i have a question have u read , those , Because to deny the illyrian origin of albanians u should be more competent and capable in linguistics than those guys here 1705: Leibniz, Gottfried Wilhelm. Albaner – Brife. Hanover.
1774: Thunmann, Johann. Untersuchungen über die Geschichte der östlichen europäischen Völker. Laipzig.
1829: Kopitar, B. J. Albanische, walachische und bulgarische Sprache. Wien.
1853: Hahn, Georg von. Albanesische Studien. Wien.
1855: Bopp, Franz. Über das Albanesische in seinen verwandtschaftlichen Beziehungen. Berlin.
1864: Camarda, Demetrio. Saggio di grammatologia comparata sulla lingua albanese. Livorno.
1866: Camarda, Demetrio. Appendice al Saggio di grammatologia sulla lingua albanese. Prato.
1870: Miklosich, Franz. Albanische Forschungen. I: Die slavischen Elemente im Albanischen; Albanische Forschugen, II: Die romanischen Elemente im Albanischen. Wien.
1883-1892: Meyer, Gustav. Albanesische Studien. Wien.
1894: Pedersen, Holger. Bidrag til den albanesiske sproghistorie. (Festskrift til Vilhelm Thomsen). Kobenhavn.
1896: Kretschmer, Paul. Einleitung in die Geschichte der griechischen Sprache (Hyrje në historinë e gjuhës greke). Göttingen.
1905: Pedersen, Holger. "Albanesisch", Rom. Jb., 9.
1926: Thumb, Albert. "Altgriechische Elemente des Albanesischen". Indogerm. Forschungen, 26.
1930: Sandfeld, Kristian. Linguistique balkanique, problemes et resultats. Paris.
1935: Kretschmer, Paul. Sprachliche Vorgeschichte des Balkans (Parahistoria gjuhësore e Ballkanit). Revue Internationale des e'tudes balkaniquee, Volume II.
1950: Cimochowski, Waclaw. "Recherches sur l'histoire du sandhi dans la langue albanaise". Lingua Posnaniensis, 2, pp. 220-255.
1950: Pisani, Vittore. "L'albanais et les autres langues indoeuropéennes", Annuaire de l'Institut de philologie et d'histoire orientales et slaves, 10.
1954: Çabej, Eqrem. "Rreth disa Çështjeve të historisë së gjuhës shqipe". BUSHT, SSHSH, 3.
1954: Lambertz, Maximilian. Lehrgang des Albanischen – Teil I: Albanisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch. Berlin.
1955: Lambertz, Maximilian. Lehrgang des Albanischen – Teil II: Albanische Chrestomathie. Berlin.
1956: Lambertz, Maximilian. Lehrgang des Albanischen – Teil III: Grammatik der albanischen Sprache. Saale.
1959: Mayer, Antun. Die Sprache der alten Illyrier. Wien.
1960: Cimochowski, Waclaw. "Des recherches sur la toponomastique de l'Albanie". Lingua Posnaniensis, 8, pp. 133-145.
1962: Çabej, Eqrem. "Disa probleme themelore të historisë së vjetër të gjuhës shqipe". BUSHT, SSHSH, 4.
1964: Pisani, Vittore. "Les origines de la langue albanaise". Stud. alban., 1.
1965: Tagliavini, Carlo. La stratificazione del lessico albanese. Elementi indoeuropei. Bologna.
1966: Mihaescu, Haralambie. "Les elements latins de la langue albanaise". Revue des études sud-est européennes, 4.
1968: Desnickaja, A. V. Albanskij jazyk i ego dialekty. Leningrad.
1968: Ajeti, Idriz. "La presence de l'albanais dans les parlers des populations slaves de la Peninsule Balkanique а la lumiere de la langue et de la toponymie". Stud. alban., 2.
1968: Gjinari, Jorgji. "Për historinë e dialekteve të gjuhës shqipe". Studime filologjike, 4.
1969: Gjinari, Jorgji. "Mbi vazhdimësinë e ilirishtes në gjuhën shqipe". Studime filologjike, 3.
1970: Çabej, Eqrem. "Mbi disa rregulla të fonetikës historike të shqipes". Studime filologjike, 1970, 2.
1972: Ajeti, Idriz. "Për historinë e marrëdhënieve të hershme gjuhësore shqiptare-sllave". Studime filologjike, 4.
1972: Çabej, Eqrem. "L'ancien nom national des albanais". Stud. alban., 9(1), pp. 31-40.
1972: Çabej, Eqrem. "Problemi i vendit të formimit të gjuhës shqipe". Studime filologjike, 4, pp. 5-23.
1972: Ölberg, Hermann. "Einige Uberlegungen zur Autochtonie der Albaner auf der Balkanhalbinsel". Akten Innsbruck.
1972: Pisani, Vittore. "Sulla genesi dell'albanese". Akten Innsbruck.
1973: Cimochowski, Waclaw. "Pozicioni gjuhësor i ilirishtes ballkanike në rrethin e gjuhëve indoevropiane". Studime filologjike, 2.
1973: Desnickaja, A. V. "Language Interferences and Historical Dialectology Linguistics", Linguistics, 113, pp. 41-52.
1974: Çabej, Eqrem. "Karakteristikat e huazimeve latine të gjuhës shqipe". Studime filologjike, 2.
1976: Çabej, Eqrem. Studime etimologjike në fushë të shqipes. Tiranë.
1974: Domi, Mahir. "Prapashtesa ilire dhe shqipe, përkime dhe paralelizma". Studime filologjike, 4.
1975: Domi, Mahir. "Considerations sur les traits communs ou paralleles de l'albanais avec les autres langues balkaniques et sur leur etude". Stud. alban., 1.
1976: Gjinari, Jorgji. "Struktura dialektore e shqipes e parë në lidhje me historinë e popullit". Studime filologjike, 3.
1976: Katičić, Radoslav. Ancient Languages of the Balkans (Trends in Linguistics). The Hague and Paris: Mouton.
1977: Mann, Stuart E. An Albanian Historical Grammar. Hamburg: Helmut Buske Verlag.
1978: Mihaescu, Haralambie. La langue latine dans le sud-est de l’Europe. Bucuresti-Paris: Editura Academiei-Les Belles Lettres.
1979: Riza, Selman. Studime albanistike. Pristina.
1980: Pellegrini, Giovan Battista. "Rapporti linguistici interadriatici e l’elemento latino dell’albanese", Abruzzo, 19.
1980: Reiter, M. "Leibnizen's Albanel – Briefe". Zeitschrift fur Balkanologie, 16.
1981: Hamp, Eric P. "On Leibniz's Third Albanian Letter". Zeitschrift fur Balkanologie, 16.
1982: Çabej, Eqrem. Studime etimologjike në fushë të shqipes. Tiranë.
1982: Gjinari, Jorgji. "Dëshmi të historisë së gjuhës shqipe për kohën dhe vendin e formimit të popullit shqiptar". Studime filologjike, 3.
1982: Ölberg, Hermann. "Kontributi i gjuhësisë për çështjen e atdheut ballkanik të shqiptarëve". Studime filologjike, 3.
1982: Pellegrini, Giovan Battista. "Disa vëzhgime mbi elementin latin të shqipes", Studime filologjike, 3.
1984: Huld, Martin E. Basic Albanian Etymologies. Columbus, OH: Slavica Publishers.
1985: Banfi, Emanuele. Linguistica Balcanica. Bologna.
1986: De Simone, Carlo. "Gli illiri del Sud. Tentativo di una definizione". Iliria (Tiranë), 1.
1987: Buchholz, Oda; Fiedler, Wilfried. Albanische Grammatik, Leipzig: VEB Verlag Enzyklopädie.
1990: Desnickaja, A. V. Osnovy balkanskogo jazykoznanija, Cast 1. Leningrad: Nauka Press.
1991: Banfi, Emanuele. Storia linguistica del sud-est europeo. Milano.
1996: Demiraj, Shaban. Fonologjia historike e gjuhës shqipe. Akademia e Shkencave e Shqiperise. Instituti i Gjuhesise dhe i Letersise. Tirane: TOENA.
1997: Pellegrini, Giovan Battista. Avviamento alla linguistica albanese.
1998: Demiraj, Shaban. Gjuha shqipe dhe historia e saj. Tirane: Shtëpia botuese e librit universitar.
1999: Demiraj, Shaban. Prejardhja e shqiptarëve në dritën e dëshmive të gjuhës shqipe. Tirane: Shkenca.
2002: Demiraj, Shaban. Gramatikë historike e gjuhës shqipe. Akademia e Shkencave e Shqiperise. Instituti i Gjuhesise dhe i Letersise.
2004: Demiraj, Shaban. Gjuhësi Ballkanike. Akademia e Shkencave e Shqiperise. Instituti i Gjuhesise dhe i Letersise.

 

[LABERIA]

( a priori it seems that , serbs ,bulgarians and greeks are wrong about the distribution of the albanians in the middle ages !!!)Before i answer u properly about the real topic , i have a question have u read , those , Because to deny the illyrian origin of albanians u should be more competent and capable in linguistics than those guys here 1705: Leibniz, Gottfried Wilhelm. Albaner – Brife. Hanover.
1774: Thunmann, Johann. Untersuchungen über die Geschichte der östlichen europäischen Völker. Laipzig.
1829: Kopitar, B. J. Albanische, walachische und bulgarische Sprache. Wien.
1853: Hahn, Georg von. Albanesische Studien. Wien.
1855: Bopp, Franz. Über das Albanesische in seinen verwandtschaftlichen Beziehungen. Berlin.
1864: Camarda, Demetrio. Saggio di grammatologia comparata sulla lingua albanese. Livorno.
1866: Camarda, Demetrio. Appendice al Saggio di grammatologia sulla lingua albanese. Prato.
1870: Miklosich, Franz. Albanische Forschungen. I: Die slavischen Elemente im Albanischen; Albanische Forschugen, II: Die romanischen Elemente im Albanischen. Wien.
1883-1892: Meyer, Gustav. Albanesische Studien. Wien.
1894: Pedersen, Holger. Bidrag til den albanesiske sproghistorie. (Festskrift til Vilhelm Thomsen). Kobenhavn.
1896: Kretschmer, Paul. Einleitung in die Geschichte der griechischen Sprache (Hyrje në historinë e gjuhës greke). Göttingen.
1905: Pedersen, Holger. "Albanesisch", Rom. Jb., 9.
1926: Thumb, Albert. "Altgriechische Elemente des Albanesischen". Indogerm. Forschungen, 26.
1930: Sandfeld, Kristian. Linguistique balkanique, problemes et resultats. Paris.
1935: Kretschmer, Paul. Sprachliche Vorgeschichte des Balkans (Parahistoria gjuhësore e Ballkanit). Revue Internationale des e'tudes balkaniquee, Volume II.
1950: Cimochowski, Waclaw. "Recherches sur l'histoire du sandhi dans la langue albanaise". Lingua Posnaniensis, 2, pp. 220-255.
1950: Pisani, Vittore. "L'albanais et les autres langues indoeuropéennes", Annuaire de l'Institut de philologie et d'histoire orientales et slaves, 10.
1954: Çabej, Eqrem. "Rreth disa Çështjeve të historisë së gjuhës shqipe". BUSHT, SSHSH, 3.
1954: Lambertz, Maximilian. Lehrgang des Albanischen – Teil I: Albanisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch. Berlin.
1955: Lambertz, Maximilian. Lehrgang des Albanischen – Teil II: Albanische Chrestomathie. Berlin.
1956: Lambertz, Maximilian. Lehrgang des Albanischen – Teil III: Grammatik der albanischen Sprache. Saale.
1959: Mayer, Antun. Die Sprache der alten Illyrier. Wien.
1960: Cimochowski, Waclaw. "Des recherches sur la toponomastique de l'Albanie". Lingua Posnaniensis, 8, pp. 133-145.
1962: Çabej, Eqrem. "Disa probleme themelore të historisë së vjetër të gjuhës shqipe". BUSHT, SSHSH, 4.
1964: Pisani, Vittore. "Les origines de la langue albanaise". Stud. alban., 1.
1965: Tagliavini, Carlo. La stratificazione del lessico albanese. Elementi indoeuropei. Bologna.
1966: Mihaescu, Haralambie. "Les elements latins de la langue albanaise". Revue des études sud-est européennes, 4.
1968: Desnickaja, A. V. Albanskij jazyk i ego dialekty. Leningrad.
1968: Ajeti, Idriz. "La presence de l'albanais dans les parlers des populations slaves de la Peninsule Balkanique а la lumiere de la langue et de la toponymie". Stud. alban., 2.
1968: Gjinari, Jorgji. "Për historinë e dialekteve të gjuhës shqipe". Studime filologjike, 4.
1969: Gjinari, Jorgji. "Mbi vazhdimësinë e ilirishtes në gjuhën shqipe". Studime filologjike, 3.
1970: Çabej, Eqrem. "Mbi disa rregulla të fonetikës historike të shqipes". Studime filologjike, 1970, 2.
1972: Ajeti, Idriz. "Për historinë e marrëdhënieve të hershme gjuhësore shqiptare-sllave". Studime filologjike, 4.
1972: Çabej, Eqrem. "L'ancien nom national des albanais". Stud. alban., 9(1), pp. 31-40.
1972: Çabej, Eqrem. "Problemi i vendit të formimit të gjuhës shqipe". Studime filologjike, 4, pp. 5-23.
1972: Ölberg, Hermann. "Einige Uberlegungen zur Autochtonie der Albaner auf der Balkanhalbinsel". Akten Innsbruck.
1972: Pisani, Vittore. "Sulla genesi dell'albanese". Akten Innsbruck.
1973: Cimochowski, Waclaw. "Pozicioni gjuhësor i ilirishtes ballkanike në rrethin e gjuhëve indoevropiane". Studime filologjike, 2.
1973: Desnickaja, A. V. "Language Interferences and Historical Dialectology Linguistics", Linguistics, 113, pp. 41-52.
1974: Çabej, Eqrem. "Karakteristikat e huazimeve latine të gjuhës shqipe". Studime filologjike, 2.
1976: Çabej, Eqrem. Studime etimologjike në fushë të shqipes. Tiranë.
1974: Domi, Mahir. "Prapashtesa ilire dhe shqipe, përkime dhe paralelizma". Studime filologjike, 4.
1975: Domi, Mahir. "Considerations sur les traits communs ou paralleles de l'albanais avec les autres langues balkaniques et sur leur etude". Stud. alban., 1.
1976: Gjinari, Jorgji. "Struktura dialektore e shqipes e parë në lidhje me historinë e popullit". Studime filologjike, 3.
1976: Katičić, Radoslav. Ancient Languages of the Balkans (Trends in Linguistics). The Hague and Paris: Mouton.
1977: Mann, Stuart E. An Albanian Historical Grammar. Hamburg: Helmut Buske Verlag.
1978: Mihaescu, Haralambie. La langue latine dans le sud-est de l’Europe. Bucuresti-Paris: Editura Academiei-Les Belles Lettres.
1979: Riza, Selman. Studime albanistike. Pristina.
1980: Pellegrini, Giovan Battista. "Rapporti linguistici interadriatici e l’elemento latino dell’albanese", Abruzzo, 19.
1980: Reiter, M. "Leibnizen's Albanel – Briefe". Zeitschrift fur Balkanologie, 16.
1981: Hamp, Eric P. "On Leibniz's Third Albanian Letter". Zeitschrift fur Balkanologie, 16.
1982: Çabej, Eqrem. Studime etimologjike në fushë të shqipes. Tiranë.
1982: Gjinari, Jorgji. "Dëshmi të historisë së gjuhës shqipe për kohën dhe vendin e formimit të popullit shqiptar". Studime filologjike, 3.
1982: Ölberg, Hermann. "Kontributi i gjuhësisë për çështjen e atdheut ballkanik të shqiptarëve". Studime filologjike, 3.
1982: Pellegrini, Giovan Battista. "Disa vëzhgime mbi elementin latin të shqipes", Studime filologjike, 3.
1984: Huld, Martin E. Basic Albanian Etymologies. Columbus, OH: Slavica Publishers.
1985: Banfi, Emanuele. Linguistica Balcanica. Bologna.
1986: De Simone, Carlo. "Gli illiri del Sud. Tentativo di una definizione". Iliria (Tiranë), 1.
1987: Buchholz, Oda; Fiedler, Wilfried. Albanische Grammatik, Leipzig: VEB Verlag Enzyklopädie.
1990: Desnickaja, A. V. Osnovy balkanskogo jazykoznanija, Cast 1. Leningrad: Nauka Press.
1991: Banfi, Emanuele. Storia linguistica del sud-est europeo. Milano.
1996: Demiraj, Shaban. Fonologjia historike e gjuhës shqipe. Akademia e Shkencave e Shqiperise. Instituti i Gjuhesise dhe i Letersise. Tirane: TOENA.
1997: Pellegrini, Giovan Battista. Avviamento alla linguistica albanese.
1998: Demiraj, Shaban. Gjuha shqipe dhe historia e saj. Tirane: Shtëpia botuese e librit universitar.
1999: Demiraj, Shaban. Prejardhja e shqiptarëve në dritën e dëshmive të gjuhës shqipe. Tirane: Shkenca.
2002: Demiraj, Shaban. Gramatikë historike e gjuhës shqipe. Akademia e Shkencave e Shqiperise. Instituti i Gjuhesise dhe i Letersise.
2004: Demiraj, Shaban. Gjuhësi Ballkanike. Akademia e Shkencave e Shqiperise. Instituti i Gjuhesise dhe i Letersise.

But you have to add in this list Enver Hoxha, because this serb Garrick is convinced that Enver Hoxha invented all this conections between Illyrians and Albanians.

 

[exercitus]

Ok i know it is impossible to read all those authors, let do it more simple ( LIGUISTICS FOR DUMMY:embarassed i think that u are aware about WIKIPEDIA article about the Albanian language ( I hope that Zoupan "the terrible" will not canceled it, for the sake of people like u !!!) , So
[h=3]Latin influence[/h] Jernej Kopitar (1780–1844) was the first to note Latin's influence on Albanian and claimed "the Latin loanwords in the Albanian language had the pronunciation of the time of Emperor Augustus".^[14] Kopitar gave examples such as Albanian "qiqer" from Latin cicer (meaning chickpeas), "qytet" from civitas (meaning city), "peshk" from piscis (meaning fish) and "shigjetë" from sagitta (meaning arrow). The hard pronunciations of Latin ⟨c⟩ and ⟨g⟩ are retained as palatal and velar stops in the Albanian loanwords. Gustav Meyer (1888)^[15] and Wilhelm Meyer-Lübke (1914)^[16] later corroborated this. Meyer noted the similarity between the Albanian verbs shqipoj and shqiptoj (both meaning to enunciate) and the Latin word excipio (meaning to welcome). Therefore, he believed that the word Shqiptar (meaning Albanian) was derived from shqipoj, which in turn was derived from the Latin word excipio. Johann Georg von Hahn, an Austrian linguist, previously proposed the same theory in 1854.^[17]
Eqrem Çabej also noticed, among other things, the archaic Latin elements in Albanian:^[18]

1. Latin /au/ becomes Albanian /a/ in the earliest borrowings: "aurum" > "ar" ; "gaudium" > "gaz" ; "laurus" > "lar". But Latin /au/ is retained in later borrowings: "causa" > "kafshë" ; "laud" > "lavd".
2. Latin /ō/ becomes Albanian /e/ in the oldest Latin borrowings: "pōmum" > "pemë" ; "hōra" > "herë". An analogous mutation occurred from Proto-Indo-European to Albanian; PIE *nōs became Albanian "ne", PIE *oḱtō + suffix -ti- became Albanian "tetë" etc.
3. Latin unstressed internal and initial syllables become lost in Albanian: "cubitus" > "kub" ; "medicus" > "mjek" ; "paludem" > V. Latin "padule" > "pyll". An analogous mutation occurred from Proto-Indo-European to Albanian. In contrast, in later Latin borrowings, the internal syllable is retained: "paganus" > "pagan" ; "plaga" > "plagë" etc.
4. Latin /tj/, /dj/, /kj/ palatalized to Albanian /s/, /z/, /c/: "vitius" > "ves" ; "ratio" > "arsye" ; "radius" > "rreze" ; "facies" > "faqe" ; "socius" > "shoq" etc.

Haralambie Mihăescu demonstrated that:

• Some 85 Latin words have survived in Albanian but not (as inherited) in any Romance language. A few examples include bubulcus > bujk, hibernalia > mërrajë, sarcinarius > shelqëror, trifurcus > tërfurk, accipiter > skifter, musconea > mushkonjë, chersydrus > kuçedër, spleneticum > shpretkë, solanum > shullë.^[19]
• 151 Albanian words of Latin origin were not inherited in Romanian. A few examples include Albanian mik from Latin amicus, or armik from inimicus, arsye from rationem, bekoj from benedicere, qelq from calix (calicis), kështjellë from castellum, qind from centum, gjel from gallus, gjymtyrë from iunctura, mjek from medicus, rrjetë from rete, shpresoj from sperare, vullnet from voluntas (voluntatis).^[20]
• Some Albanian church terminology have phonetic features which demonstrate their very early borrowing from Latin. A few examples include Albanian altar from Latin altare, engjëll from angelus, bekoj from benedicere,i krishterë from christianus, kryq from crux (crucis), kishë from ecclesia, ipeshkv from episcopus, ungjill from evangelium, mallkoj from maledicere, meshë from missa, murg from monacus, "pagan" from paganus.^[21]

Other authors^[22] have detected Latin loanwords in Albanian with an ancient sound pattern from the 1st century BC, for example, Albanian qingëlë from Latin cingula and Albanian e vjetër from Latin vetus/veteris. The Romance languages inherited these words from Vulgar Latin: Vulgar *cingla became N. Romanian chinga, meaning "belly band, saddle girth", and Vulgar veteran became N. Romanian bătrân, meaning "old".
Albanian, Basque, and the surviving Celtic languages such as Irish and Welsh are the non-Romance languages today that have this sort of extensive Latin element dating from ancient Roman times, which have undergone the sound changes associated with the languages.



Illyrians, Dacians, Getae and Thracians at 200 BC


[h=3]so except Prof Cabej , we have Prof Haralambie Mihăescu( with 1)Some 85 Latin words have survived in Albanian but not (as inherited) in any Romance language 2)151 Albanian words of Latin origin were not inherited in Romanian 3)Some Albanian church terminology have phonetic features which demonstrate their very early borrowing from Latin ( wich Noel Malcolm explain it , i a very comprehensible way http://www.promacedonia.org/en/nm/kosovo.html ;[/h]One thing is quite certain: the Albanians did acquire their Christianity from a Latin-speaking teacher or teachers. The Albanian language contains much Latin-derived vocabulary anyway, having obviously absorbed words from nearby Romans or Romanized barbarians from the second century bc onwards; but the Latin element is especially rich in the area of Christian belief and Christian practice. Thus we have meshe (mass), from missa; ipeshk (bishop), from episcopus; ungjill (gospel), from evangelium; mrekull (miracle), from miraculum; and a great number of other words, extending far into the vocabulary of psychology, morality and even the natural world (such as qiell, meaning heaven or sky, from caelum). [58]
Many of the words that would need to be put on such a list, in fact, are not special ecclesiastical terms, for which a non-Christian population would have no equivalent of its own; they are simple words such as 'spirit', 'sin', 'pray*, 'holy', and so on, for which most languages, even in pre-Christian times, have their own vocabulary. When other early evangelizers translated the Bible or the liturgy into Armenian, or Gothic, or Anglo-Saxon, they used local words for these things - that, indeed, is what is implied by the whole idea of translation. Why should Nicetas, translating into proto-Albanian, have simply transferred huge quantities of Latin words? Schramm notes the oddity of this in passing, and suggests unconvincingly that there must have been some special cultural reasons. [59] But the oddity is more overwhelming than he admits. For example, even the word for a flock, as used in Christian discourse, was taken from the Latin (grigje, from grex) - of all the things in the world, the one for which a shepherding population must surely have had its own word already. [60]
The solution to this puzzle is blindingly simple. These elements of Latin vocabulary have undergone exactly the same sorts of sound-changes, compressions and erosions as all the other Latin words which entered the Albanian language over several centuries; and the reason why those words entered the language was that the Albanians were in contact, over a long period, with people who spoke Latin. The existence of large quantities of such Christianity-related Latin vocabulary does not show that someone 'translated' Christian discourse into early Albanian. It shows the precise opposite - namely, that Albanians were for a long time exposed to the conduct of their religion not in translation but in the original Latin.
This can even be demonstrated grammatically. The term for 'Holy Trinity', Shendertat, bears a final 't' and an accent on the last syllable: this shows that it developed from the accusative, sanctam trinitatem, not the nominative, sancta trinitas. That is in fact the normal pattern of development in Romance languages, which gives us, for example, Spanish ciudad from dvitatem (not from civitas), or French mont from montem (not from mons). (There are many other Albanian examples too, such as grigje, mentioned above, which is really from gregem, not grex.) What this phenomenon reflects is a pattern of usage in spoken Latin: these words were heard much more often as the objects in sentences than as the subjects. If Nicetas had been coining new Albanian words out of Latin for the purposes of his translation, he would surely have taken them from the nominative form. These words entered Albanian because Albanians heard them, over and over again, in spoken liturgical Latin.
Schramm's theory fails, therefore; and in so doing it performs a signal service. Thanks to Schramm, the Thracians can now be eliminated from these enquiries. His research into Nicetas's activities does indeed show that the Bessi received their Christianity, so to speak, in translation; this must force us to conclude that the Albanians, who received theirs in the original Latin, cannot be identified with the Bessi. The language of the Bessi must eventually have perished. Since the Bessi were the only Thracian tribe known to have kept their language as late as the sixth century (and Byzantine sources are naturally more detailed on the Thracian areas, which for them were closer to home, than on the Illyrian ones), it is impossible to find any other Thracian candidates. The origins of the Albanians must be sought, therefore, on the Illyrian side of the divide - particularly in the mountains round Kosovo, in the Malesi, and in the tangle of mountains stretching north from there through Montenegro.
The Latin elements in Albanian help to confirm this location. From the fact that so much general vocabulary was absorbed into Albanian from Latin, and so little from Greek, it is clear that the proto-Albanians lived some way to the north of the Latin-Greek linguistic divide. This language frontier ran from the Adriatic coast near Lezha across the middle of Albania, then up to the line of the Sar mountains, curving southwards to take in Latin-speaking Skopje, and then running northwards roughly along the Serbian-Bulgarian border. [61] At the same time, the fact that the proto-Albanians never actually lost their language indicates that they were somewhat isolated from the main areas of Roman settlement - which included the lowlands and the major roads. One influential theory therefore places the early Albanians in the part of northern Albania which (according to archeological evidence and place-names) was the most untouched by Roman influence: the 'Mat' district north-east of Tirana and west of Debar. From there, according to this theory, the early Albanians were able to expand to fill the region bounded by the river Shkumbin, the Black Drin, the united Drin and the coast. [62]
What this theory fails to account for, however, is another key aspect of the Albanian language's connection with Latin: its intimate involvement in the development of the Vlach-Romanian language. Linguists have long been aware that Albanian and Romanian have many features in common, in matters of structure, vocabulary and idiom, and that these must have arisen in two ways. First, the 'substratum' of Romanian (that is, the language spoken by the proto-Romanians before they switched to Latin) must have been similar to Albanian; and secondly, there must have been close contact between Albanians and early Romanian-speakers over a long period, involving a shared pastoral life. (Some key elements of the pastoral vocabulary in Romanian are borrowed from Albanian.) [63] The substratum elements include both structural matters, such as the positioning of the definite article as a suffix on the end of the noun, and various elements of primitive Balkan pre-Latin vocabulary, such as copil ('child' in Romanian) or kopil ('bastard child' in Albanian). [64] If the links between the two languages were only at substratum level, this might not imply any geographical proximity - it would merely show that proto-Albanian was similar to other varieties of Illyrian spoken elsewhere. But the pastoral connections do indicate that Albanians and early Romanians lived for a long time in the same (or at least overlapping) areas.
This has some geographical implications. Late Latin developed in two different forms in the Balkans: a coastal variety, which survived as a distinct language (known as Dalmatian) until the end of the nineteenth century, and the form spoken in the interior, which turned into Romanian and Vlach. [65] From place-names it is clear that the coastal form, spoken also in Shkodra and Durres, penetrated some way into the northern Albanian mountains. [66] There are some traces of this variety of Latin in Albanian, but the Albanian language's links with the inland variety of Balkan Latin are much stronger. This suggests that the centre of gravity ofAlbanian-Vlach symbiosis lay a little further to the east. [67]
When and how did that symbiosis take place? Presumably the Latin-speaking proto-Romanians came to pastoralism later than the early Albanians. If they had been doing it for as long as the Albanians, and in similar areas, they would - just like the Albanians - have escaped Latinization altogether. Some historians have decided that the proto-Romanians must have been Latin-speaking city-dwellers, who somehow extricated themselves from their towns in the early Slav centuries and became long-distance travellers or shepherds instead; but this seems inherently implausible. [68] (Had they come from the towns, their Latin would surely have been closer to standard Latin in its structure, too.) There is in fact enough Latin agricultural vocabulary in Romanian -words for sowing, ploughing, harrowing, and so on - to show that they were farming in Roman times. [69] The shift towards pastoralism was probably quite gradual. One particular factor that may have helped to promote it was the practice of horse-breeding, which was, or at least became, a Vlach speciality: the medieval records are full of Vlach muleteers and Vlachs leading caravans of pack-horses. [70] Such an occupation requires contact with towns (where the trade is), and may be combined with some farming in the towns' vicinity; but it also involves a form of stock-breeding, which could have given the early Vlachs an entree into the higher-altitude world of Albanian flocks and herds. ....PROF ALEXANDRU ROSETTI ,Other authors^[22] have detected Latin loanwords in Albanian with an ancient sound pattern from the 1st century BC, for example, Albanian qingëlë from Latin cingula and Albanian e vjetër from Latin vetus/veteris. The Romance languages inherited these words from Vulgar Latin: Vulgar *cingla became N. Romanian chinga, meaning "belly band, saddle girth", and Vulgar veteran became N. Romanian bătrân, meaning "old"

 

[exercitus]

AHH if u knew albanian here is full of "Linguistic treasure" http://www.ashak.org/repository/doc...E_BALLKANIT_-_Konferenca_shkencore_659049.pdf specially this part
Rexhep I
SMAJLI
, Prishtinë:
SHQIPJA DHE RUMANISHTJA
Page 185 ( the most clear Analyze , the most deep Explication of the Albanian-Romanian analogy ) just two things ...

 

[exercitus]

in the Page 208 partly page 209, the Albanian-Romanian( from the Illyrian-Dacian substratum) cognates words Collected By (G. Brâncuş,A. du Nay,C. Poghirc) ... THAN THE DIFFERENCE BY HARALAMBIE MIHAESCU
ShtojShtojcë 2: latinizmat e shqipes dhe të rumanishtes, krahasimi leksikor sipas Mih ă escu (1981)

 

[exercitus]

Now i will introduce u with the "Eric Hamp" of today ROMANIA https://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/Grigore_Brâncuș
[h=1]Grigore Brâncuș the expert of Daco-romanian substratum connected with the proto-albanian[/h]

 

[exercitus]

The latest inteview of Brâncuș one year ago april 2015 , in wich he affirm the official version of the ACADEMY OF SCIENCE OF ROMANIA , concerning the origin of the Albanian language ....
Cat de veridica vi se pare, din punct de vedere stiintific, afirmatia lui Nicolae Iorga, conform careia albanezii sunt „verii de sange” ai romanilor?
Este o problema dificila, s-a scris mult asupra acestei chestiuni. De o rudenie e greu de vorbit, de spus ceva precis. Sustinem de obicei ca albanezii sunt iliri la origine. Romanii, din perspectiva autohtonismului lor, a substratului, cum s-ar zice, sunt daci romanizati, asadar, elementul acesta etnic ilir din zona de nord a Albaniei, zona Dalmatiei, a suferit o infiltrare profunda a elementului nord-estic dac. Adica, s-a realizat, cum spune un mare albanist, Norbert Jokl, de la Viena, ucis de fascisti in 1940, s a realizat o sinteza traco-ilira in partea de nord, deci spre sud-vest de actuala Romanie, spre nord-est de Albania. Elementul comun romano-albanez s-ar fi plamadit in aria asta de intalnire traco-ilira. Altfel spus, exista pe fond ilir un constituent traco-dac, genetic, din perioada de plamadire a idiomului. Aceasta constituie partea comuna romano-albaneza, adica elemente traco-dace in albaneza. Exista multe cuvinte romanesti din substrat care isi afla corespondent in albaneza, cu forme identice sau asemanatoare, cu sensuri identice sau asemana­toare. http://www.alar.ro/n96/interviu-c67...a_interviu_cu_acad_grigore_brancus-s1267.html u can use google translator as i do !!!

 

[Garrick]

But you have to add in this list Enver Hoxha, because this serb Garrick is convinced that Enver Hoxha invented all this conections between Illyrians and Albanians.

Unfortunately you are right for Enver Hoxha.

Not I. But Western world renowned scientists argue this.

To be continue...

 

[exercitus]

In Albanian https://www.shqiperia.com/Ka-shume-...kane-gjegjeset-e-tyre-ne-gjuhen-shqipe.31809/

 

[LABERIA]

In Albanian https://www.shqiperia.com/Ka-shume-...kane-gjegjeset-e-tyre-ne-gjuhen-shqipe.31809/

And about this koçi-boçi who speak Garrick, nothing?

 

[Garrick]

(Continued from page 18.)

Practicaly everything after 1945 is unscientific. Because it derives from the time Albanian Communist chief Enver Hoxha, who was obsessed with the past and ideas connecting Albanians with Illyrians, even with Pelasgians, etc.

(This is not offense, and useful is for understanding of matter.)

There are more books and studies about this, among them:
Archaeology under dictatorship
Springer, 2006

Michael L. Galaty (Mississippi, USA)
Charles Watkinson (New Jersey, USA)

Chapter 2
Albanian archaeology and Enver Hoxha
(pages 8-16)

http://m.friendfeed-media.com/bb1d659423319639ecab9f5b076179ff20e4b966

(Quotе)
Hoxha also emphasized the autochthonous ethnogenesis of the Albanians, tracing their origins to the ancient Illyrians (cf. Slapsak and Novakovic, 1996:269-272 for examples of the political appropriation of "Illyrian" archaeology and history by the Slovenian state). At his insistence, Albanian linguists and philologists connected the Albanian language, unlike any other in Europe, to the extinct language of the Illyrians. Physical anthropologists sought to prove that Albanians were biologically distinct from other Indo-European populations (now dis-proved through genetic analysis; see Belledi et al., 2000). Money poured into the Albanian Academy of Science, specifically earmarked for investigations of Illyrian archaeology (Miraj and Zeqo, 1993). The developing archaeological framework, sanctioned and enforced by the Hoxha government, made clear that the ancestors of modern day Albanians had once possessed a unique culture and, more importantly, had controlled a large and unified territory Under Hoxha, Albanian archaeologists argued that southern Albanian Iron Age urban centers, often indistinguishable from Greek-style poleis, were in reality wholly Illyrian, and that more often than not, Greeks were the beneficiaries of Illyrian ideas and innovations, as opposed to the other way around. For example, the names of the majority of Greek gods and goddesses were said to stem from Illyrian, not Greek, root words.

(End of quotе)
...

(Quote)
Under the communist government, Albanian archaeologists found themselves in a potentially difficult position. They had to toe the party line, or risk punishment, the most common being internal exile (though Korkuti could not recall a single case of an archaeologist being punished outright by the government). At the same time, archaeologists were the most likely of all Albanians to be allowed out of the closed country (to travel to other communist countries, but also to the west; Korkuti, for example, studied in France under Francois Bordes). For Hoxha, this made archaeologists both valuable propagandists and a potential threat. Strangely, with the fall of the communist government, many archaeologists became leading politicians—Neritan Ceka, a member of the Albanian parliament, being a good example (cf. similar examples of this phenomenon from the former Soviet Union in Chemykh, 1995:144). Archaeologists were among the limited number of citizens who possessed knowledge of western-style democracies and capitalist economic systems, and who also had contacts in the outside world. They naturally moved into positions of political leadership.

The political crises of the late 1980s and early 1990s saw the end of the financial and intellectual certainties of the post-war period for archaeologists (Miraj and Zeqo, 1993:125). However, as a new political economy developed in Albania, politicians (some of them archaeologists) found that the Hoxha regimes take on the past was in fact a very useful one (cf. Chernykh, 1995 for similarities to modern Russia). Because it was intended to help build an Albanian national identity, it could serve the same purpose in a capitalist democracy that it had in a communist dictatorship. However, in the dangerous environment of the post-communist Balkans, building a national identity might easily slide into nationalism and inflammatory calls for territorial expansion (cf. Slapsak and Novakovic, 1996). For Albanians, the connection between nationalistic politics and archaeology is especially strong in Kosovo, a region of Serbia nominally claimed by Albania, and in southern Albania, a part of Albania claimed by Greece, so-called "Northern Epirus." In 2001 and 2002, teams of Albanian archaeologists from Tirana travelled to Kosovo to undertake archaeological research, but the trips might more accurately be seen as a political statement: "We, Albanians, now control Kosovo's past." Ethnic Albanian scholars from Kosovo also attended the recent international symposium "Archaeological Year 2002" held in Tirana, Albania. Their Albanian colleagues, having escaped dictatorship in 1991, tutored them on the difficulties of the transition to democracy, often referring to the new "nation" of Kosovo. In these situations, Albanian archaeology, especially archaeological interpretations of the lllyrians, are often (though, not always) applied uncritically and in general are still not open to serious debate. As the Croatian scholar Predrag Matvejevic noted—prophetically and rather matter-of-factly—in his 1987 book, published in the United States in 1999 under the title Mediterranean: A Cultural Landscape: "The multiplicity of peoples in Illyria will make for major problems when the time for nation-building comes to the Balkans" (198).
(End of quote)

...
Pages and pages listed here, and nothing. Pure waste of time. The only benefit to know how one man wanted to usurp the science for his dreams and what we are now discussing.

 

[exercitus]

The Greatest BULLSHIT that i have Read FROM A SERBIAN ,THe archaeologist ( not Linguist) DJORDJE JANKOVIC , and down are some explanation that i found in the net
Well i just read and this publications from
Prof. Djordje Jankovic, Ph.D
Faculty of Philosophy
Belgrade Univesity
Middle Ages in Noel Malcolm’s Kosovo,
A Short History and Real Facts , the first part that really astonished me was this…
The place-name “Ulcinj” he translates with the Albanian word for “wolf” – “ujk”, “ulk”, though it’s a nonsense to name a sea coast town after a forest beast. Finally, he links the name of “Dardania” to the Albanian “dardhe” – “pear” (p. 32), though a few pages later he links it to a cheese perculiar for Dardania (p. 40 … well i find a list of illyrian toponyms with explained albanian meaning , etymology …
Lopsica
Gissa i., Cissa
Crepsa
*Maluntum ,
“Ad Male ,
” DIMALLUM ( southern albania ,alb “The two mountains” )
Ulcinium Ulca fl.,
Ulcea pal”,
Ulcirus Mons “,
Ulcisia CASTRUM (alb Keshtjella e ULKESHES “female of the wolf”)
Aquae Balisae
Andetrium
Bistua Vetus,
Bistua Nova
Bariduum
Burnum (Burnistae ” alb Burnisht)
Diluntum
*ad zizium
Ludrum
Scardona
Delminium
Cocconis
Chertobalus
Lentulum
Sala
Bustricius
Cibalae
Lugio
Valdasus
BRINDIA
BULSINIO
THERANDA
CODRION
ETC ETC without mention the anthroponyms like with the nucleus Bard* ( alb White )
Bardyllis ”
Bardibalus*
Bardus*
Bardiae”
The most impressive toponym are , strangely those with the nucleus ULC* and we have i different versions like

but before ..http://indogermanisch.org/pokorny-etymologisches-woerterbuch/u̯l̥kʷos.htm
http://starling.rinet.ru/cgi-bin/et...me=/data/ie/piet&text_number=1252&root=config
CASTRA ULCISIA * ( eng” The castle of the wolf ” alb “Keshtjella e ULKESHES ” |the female of the wolf| )… ULCISIA =ULKESHA
https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kastell_Szentendre
http://www.nemzetijelkepek.hu/onkormanyzat-szentendre_en.shtml
In the first century AD, Szentendre was dwelt by the Romans; by the end of the century their military camp town called Ulcisia Castra (Wolf Castle) had emerged, around which a well-built civilian settlement came into being. However, by the time of the Magyar conquest, not many of these Roman buildings survived.
http://en.cityzeum.com/p/szetendre
Szetendre – Budapest
Szetendre is a beautiful village just a short distance from Budapest. It dates back well over a thousand years, occupied by the Romans, who called it Ulcisia Castra, meaning “”Wolf Castle” etc etc
ULCIRUS MONS * (eng “The Mountains of the wolfs” alb ” Malet e ULQERVE” , in plural ) ULCIR =ULQER
http://imperium.ahlfeldt.se/places/41974.html
https://books.google.it/books?id=JZ...AQ6AEIPjAD#v=onepage&q=ULCIRUS MONS&f=false
ULCEA pal*
ULCA fl*
ULCINIUM ( In the singulair form of the word ) ULC=ULK
Now about the case of Ulcinj grad ..Name
Early historian Livy (59 BC–AD 17) mentioned it,[1] as did Pliny the Elder (23–79),[2] who mentioned it as Olcinium, its old name Colchinium, “founded by [settlers from] Colchis” (Olchinium quod antea Colchinium dictum est a Colchis conditum).[2] Ptolemy (90–168) mentions the city as Greek Oulkinion (Ουλκίνιον).[3] The name, through Late (Vulgar) Roman, became Slavic Ulcinj, Italian: Dulcigno (pronounced [dultʃiɲo]) and Turkish: Ülgün.
The etymological origin of the toponym is unclear.[2] Austrian geographer Wilhelm Tomaschek (1841–1901), in 1880, connected it to the Albanian word ulk and ulkise, meaning “wolf” and “she-wolf”,[2] now supported by Eqrem Çabej, Rymut, Mayer, Eichler, Malcolm and others.[4][5][6][7][8]
In this case the name ULCINIUM is just a ILLYRIAN adaptation of the original GREEK name COLCHIS ….. that is why the WOLFS don”t live in the SEA SHORE !!!
I THINK THAT DJORDJE JANKOVIC IS WRONG !!!

 

[exercitus]

And i agree completely with his conclusion:grin:

 

[exercitus]

Now just a little APERITIF for my Albanian FELLA , THE OLD GOODE PROF. DR EQREM CABEJ EQREM ÇABEJ ILIRISHTJA DHE SHQIPJA Në shekullin e kaluar (19-të) dhe në dhj etëvjetët e parë të këtij shekulli (20-të) shqiptarët janë konsideruar përgjithësish t pasardhësit e ilirëve dhe gjuha shqipe është konsideruar vazhdimi i njërit nga dialektet e vjetra ilire. Kjo teori, e mbrojtur nga një varg historianësh e gjuhëtarësh, me formulimin më sipër sidomos nga Gustav Majeri (1), aty nga fillimi i këtij shekulli u zëvendësua te një pjesë e mirë e dijetarëve me tezën e dalë kryesisht nga fusha e gjuhësisë, sipas së cilës shqiptarët janë stërnipër trakasish të ardhur prej visesh më lindore në brigjet e Adriatikut, dhe shqipja është bija e trakishtes, ose edhe nj ë “dialekt trak i ilirizuar”(2). Ka pasur edhe një sintezë të të dy teorive, e përfa qësuar me Norbert Joklin, sipas së cilës shqipja është ngushtësisht e afërt dhe me ilir ishten dhe me trakishten. Këtë teori e kanë ndjekur mjaft dijetarë. Në këtë fushe kërkimesh sot zotëron shumëkund një skepticizëm shpeshherë i tepruar dhe diku edhe një agnos ticizëm. Kanë dalë edhe teza të reja, të përftuara për një pjesë të mirë nga prirja për të gjetur medoemos rrugë të reja, për të thënë diçka të re, e për të vërtetuar atë që është dashur nga ana e tyre të vërtetohet. Karakteristika kryesore e këtyre tezav e në punë të metodës është kjo, që përfaqësuesit e tyre shpeshherë nisen ç uditërisht nga një tabula rasa, nuk marrin parasysh rezultatet e punës kërkimore të mëparme dhe aq më pak mbajnë qëndrim ndaj tyre. Përveç kësaj disa nga këta dije tarë shquhen për një qëndrim hiperkritik ndaj tezave të të tjerëve bashkuar me një besim të tepruar ndaj mendimeve të veta. Duhet pranuar që si në shumë fusha të dij es, edhe në atë të kërkimeve gjuhësore, e aty edhe në studimin e historisë së Shqipërisë, ka progres dhe regrese, ka përparime e ka një shkuarje mbrapa. Çështja se çfarë marrëdhëniesh ka midis shqipes dhe ilirishtes, a ka një afëri (parenté) midis këtyre dy gjuhëve, dhe, në qoftë se ka, a kemi aty një raport filiacioni (birërie) apo jo, kjo çështje komp lekse përbën një pr oblem shkencor. Për të krahasuar dy madhësi duhet t’i njohim. Në rasën tonë konkreten ne dimë vetëm njërën nga këto, shqipen. Ilirishten e njohim pak a aspak; sidomos jemi krejt në errësirë në punë të strukt urës së saj gramatikore, dhe m ezi po arrijmë ta rindërtojmë

 

[LABERIA]

And i agree completely with his conclusion:grin:

The serbs have an important scholar, if i am not wrong his name is Deretoglou. I think the first source of Garrick is this scholar.

 

[exercitus]

gjer diku atë gjuhë me anën e thërrimeve që mund të thuhet se na kanë mbetur prej saj. Përveç kësaj, distanca kohësore që nga ekzistenca e nga zhdukja e dialekteve ilire gjer te dokumentimi i parë i shqip es si gjuhë më vete është bukur e madhe. Për sa i përket konceptit etnografik “iliret” dhe lidhur me të edhe koncepti gjuhësor “ilirishtja” do thënë se këto koncepte kanë pësuar ndryshime gjatë këtij brezi të fundit. Ndërsa një brez më parë ky koncept ishte zgjeruar me tepri në pikëpamje të shtrirjes gjeografike, aq sa dha shkas dhe për lindjen e termit “panilirizem”(3), si reaksion ndaj kësaj rryme u kalua në skajin tjetër, erdhi e u zhvillua një koncept i ri i një skepticizmi përtej masës. Kjo ka pasur një pasojë që tani ka ardhur koha të shtrohet përsëri në tryezë çështja se ç’duhe t të kuptohet me ilirë dhe ilirishte. Sidomos ka zënë rrënjë një atomizëm i theksuar si metodë pune në lëmin e studimeve ilire, mendimi se nuk ka pasur nj ë popull të madh e të vetëm të ilirëve në Evropën antike. Prandaj shtrohet pyetja: a njësi a shumësi etnike? A një popull ilir me fise të ndryshme, një gjuhë ilire me di alektet e saj, apo popuj të ndryshëm që mbajnë këtë emër me më shumë a më pa k të drejtë? Burimet antike nuk na japin një përgjigje të prerë në këtë punë, po nuk mund të lihet pa thënë që edhe trajtimi kritik i tyre i ka lënë vend një interpre timi shumë herë arbitrar e të njëanshëm. Në këtë çështje nuk mund të shkohet pë rpara pa i kushtuar vëmendjen e duhur terminologjisë etnografike në botën e vjetër . Do pasur parasysh cilat kanë qenë kriteret e emërtimit të popujve, të fiseve e të kombësive te popujt e vjetër vetë, e te gjeografët, historianët, udhëtarët, politik anët, ushtarakët etj. të grekëve e të romakëve. Në këtë fushë ka sot mendime s hpeshherë të tryezës së dijetarit e larg realitetit historik e shoqëror. Tendenca për diferencime etnike ka shkuar këtu te disa dijetarë me larg se në gjykimin p.sh. të rrethanave trake, italike etj. Asnjëri nuk mund të thotë që me emrin “ilir” të mos jenë përfshirë popuj të ndryshëm e me gjuhë të ndryshme. Vetëm një gjë mbetet e sigurt këtu: një shoshitje objektive e tezave që përpiqen të vërtetojnë një shum ësi popujsh në trevën ilire të kohës antike, tregon se ato teza nuk arrijnë në shkallën e një argumenti shkencor. Për të dhënë vetëm një shembull, teza që në zonë ilir e të ketë pasur treva me sisteme të ndryshme në emra personash, “ provinca onomastike” me “vatra” e me “krahina rrezatimesh”, një fushë ku janë dhënë më fort gjykime me një karakter të përkohshëm edhe ku ende nuk është dhënë fj ala e fundit, kjo tezë për ne mbetet problematike. Por edhe sikur të vërtetohe j drejtësia e saj, kjo nuk do të përbënte aspak një dëshmi se kemi të bëjmë aty me popuj të ndryshëm. Mjafton të përmendim në këtë mes faktin që në një nj ësi etnike e gjuhësore aq të përcaktuar e të kufizuar si nga numri si nga koha, dhe të shfaqur në dritën e plotë të historisë siç është popullsia ostrogote në shek. IV të erës sonë, ekzistojnë pranë e pranë sisteme emërtimi të ndryshme në punë të emrave vetjakë. Një gjë e tillë vihet re dhe në territoret e gjuhëve të sotme të Evropës përbrenda një gjuhe të vetme. Ndërkaq antroponimia ilire nuk mund të thuhet se është më e shumëllojshme se antroponimia kelte, gjermanike etj. Pë rkundrazi një vështrim objektiv e pa parakuptime (prekoncepte) i kësaj lënde vë re karakterin specifik të këtyre emrave për territorin ilir, ekzistencën e disa tipar eve të përbashkëta, konstaton elementet e një njësie përbrenda ndryshmeve territoriale, hyjnë ato emra të tillë si Andes në Burnum (Kroaci), Andius në Prizren, Bardius Bardyllis, Bato (Dardani, Dalmaci,

 

[exercitus]

STUDIME ALBANOLOGJIKE 21 Panoni etj.) me Batena Batuna etj.; Bersaniues Bersant, Bilisa Bilena, Boicus, Buzo, Busio, Dasius Dazas Dasant, Ep icadus, Gentius Grabeos Graboi, Lavius, Mytilius Mutelios, Peuk – Peukestis Peuce tii, Pinnes, Plateor Plaetorius, Plator, Raecius, Surus Sura, Sutta Suttis, Tata Tata ia, Teuta me Teutai a, Teutana Trieteuta etj., Turus Turelius Turelia, Verzi e ndonjë tjetër. Rrethana që në këto emra merr pjesë dhe Shqipëria antike, e përtej detit dhe popullsia mesapeve e japigëve në Italinë Jugore, na duket me rëndësi për të gjykuar drejt këtë sistem emrash në pikëpamje historike e gjuhësore. Dëshmitarë më të fortë në punën e caktimit të përkatësisë etnike janë për ne emrat e viseve, sepse këto, sa kohë që formohen me lëndë vendi, nuk i shtrohen ndikimit të importimit nga jashtë që pësojnë emrat e personave. Edhe këtu nuk mungon lokalizimi në territori n ilir dhe përhapja në krahina mjaft të largëta të këtij territori. Khs. ndër të tjera Aleta, Amantia Amantini, Arb – në Arba Arbanon Arbon Arbatias, Bant Brendesion, Bul – në Bulinoi Bulliones Bulentum, Dalm – Delm – në Dalmion Dalmate Delmenium, Gen – në Genusus Genysios, Lam – në Lamatis Lametus, Mal – në Dimallum Malontun Maleventum, Malontina, Met – në Metulon Meturbarbis, Parth – në Parthini Parthos, Sal – në Salona Salluntum Sallentini, Skard – në Skardon Skardona, Tar – në Tara Taras Tarentum, Terg – trag – në Tergeste Opitergium Tergolape Tragarium, ulk – në Ulkion Ulcirus Ulcisia castra, Ulkaia hele etj. Si kudo në arsyetimet logjike, edhe në çështjen a popuj ilirë apo fise (popullsi) të një etnosi ilir, ka vlerë ligja që gjykimi jepet në bazë të krahasimit. Rrethanat ilire gjykohen më drejt kur të vështrohen në lidhje me mënyrën si vështrohen rrethanat e popujve të tjerë të Evropës antike. Dhe pyetja aty shtrohet jo vetëm për kriteret pas të cilave emetoheshin popujt e vjetër, po edhe për ato me të cilat i dallonin njërin nga tjetri. Aty mbase më shpesh se gjuha merreshin parasysh disa tipare etnografike të tjera, si vetitë e karakterit, veshja e frizura, më nyra e jetesës dhe e luftës, besimi e ndonjë element tjetër. Në këto kushte edhe pyetja e shpeshtë e disa dijetarëve a kemi të bëjmë te Iliria e ilirët me një koncept etnik apo gjeografik , kjo pyetje shtrohet barabar edhe për shumë të tjerë popuj të Evropës së periodës antike. Kështu kjo çështje në pikëpamje metodologjike humb mjaft nga rëndësia që i je pet. Te këta popuj duan parë entitete gjeografike dhe etnografike, duke mbizotëruar herë njëri koncept, herë tjetri në rrethanat e ndryshme të zhvillimit historik e politik të tyre. Në këtë mënyrë edhe të vënët e kufijve të prerë midis Ilirisë si koncept etnogjeografik e si koncept politik- administrativ, pra si dy koncepte qenësisht te ndryshme, edhe kjo është mjaft larg nga realiteti historik, ashtu si mund të vi het re për epokat e ndryshme të historisë politike. Caktimi i kufijve administrativë në një provincë të madhe të një perandorie bëhet zakonisht përm bi bazën e njësive territoriale-etnike dhe përfshirja e ndonjë krahine aloglote në këto nuk ka cenuar ndonjëherë karakterin e njësishëm të këtyre. Kështu në caktimin e provincës Illyricium, te romaket nuk kanë zotëruar kritere shumë të ndryshme nga ato që ja në zbatuar në caktimin e provincave të tjera, si Hispania, Gallia, Germania, Thraci a. Ashtu ka ngjarë dhe me emërtime të mëpastajme, si Poloni a në mesjetën e vonë, Arnavutluk në Perandorinë Osmane,

 

[exercitus]

Në lidhje me këto do pasur parasysh se tjetër gjë do kuptuar me konceptimin dhe emrin “ilirë” e me “ilirishte” të shek. VI p.e.s. e tjetër gjë me “ilirë” e “ilirishte” p.sh. të epokës së perandorisë romake të shek . II e III te e.s. Khs. p.sh. gjermanët e kohës së Tacitit dhe gjermanët e kohës së shtegtimit të popujve. Ky është zhvillimi normal në historinë e popujve e të gjuhëve , zhvillim që e ndesh im te të gjithë popujt e moçëm të Evropës, me gjithë ndryshimet që vihen re në procesin e formimit të tyre. Mospërmendja e ilirëve në burimet egjiptiane, hetite e mikene edhe në epet homerike, shfaqja e dardanëve a e peoneve në këto të fundit, dhe dalja më vonë e ilirëve te Herodoti e te Pseudos kilaksi, këto janë indice që dëshmojnë për etapat e ndryshme të formimit të një populli. Prapa këtyre fshihen inkursione, shtegtime e shpërngulje fisesh e popullsish, përzierje e shkrirje etnike, integrim me anë asimilimesh, luftime për troje e për t okë buke, përpjekje për hegjemoni politike e ushtarake, ndikime kulturore, procese divergjimi e konvergjimi, shkëputjesh e bashkimesh etnike, përhapja e një emri et nik përmbi të tjerët për arsye të pozitës gjeografike e të një mbizotërimi politik-shoqë ror, lindja e vetëdijes së një burimi të përbashkët. Kështu, për të dhënë ndonjë sh embull, në burimet që përmendin së pari fiset e ilirëve, nuk zihen ngojë ardianët, të cilët luajtën një rol në historinë e mëpastajme; autariatët përmenden në peri oda të ndryshme në krahina të largëta njëra nga tjetra, gjë që flet për një shteg tim e një shpërnguljeje të tyre. Edhe te fqinjët jugorë të ilirëve në Gadishullin Ballk anik, te grekët, me parë dalin në skenë të historisë popullsi ose fise të veçanta, si akeasit, danaët, jonasit, pastaj shfaqet e përgjithësohet emri i helenëve dhe ai i grekëve, graes graikoi, lat. Graeci. Ndryshime të tilla emrash nuk mund të shër bejnë si argument për të menduar se kemi të bëjmë me popuj të ndryshëm. Problemi i raportit të shqipes ndaj ilirishtes është një problem historik e gjuhësor. Prandaj dhe rrugët e mjetet për t’ju afru ar zgjidhjes shkencore të tij nuk mund të jenë vetëm gjuhësore, ato duan rrokur në të rësinë komplekse të tyre. Aty ekzistojnë disa kritere, të cilat duan zbatuar në këtë fushë kërkimesh. Së pari është kriteri gjeografik-territorial, rrethana që populli s hqiptar banon në një trevë që bënte pjesë në vendbanimet e popullsive të ilirëve jugorë. Së dyti është fakti historik që në asnjë nga burimet historike të mëvona nuk flitet për ndonjë ardhje të shqiptarëve nga vise të tjera në atdheun e tyre të sotm in: heshtje që do të ishte e vetme dhe paradoksale, po të kemi parasysh afërsinë e pandërmjetme të Shqipërisë me botën romake e romane e greke-bizantine. Për ne është dëshmi e një metode shkencore të padrejtë kur shumica e dijetarëve të so tëm problemit të burimit të popullit shqiptar e gjuhës së tij i afrohen vetëm me mjet e linguistike dhe lënë pas dore kriteret gjeografike-historike të shtruara prej J. Tunmanit sot gati dy shekuj më parë. Këtyre vjen e u shtohet së treti kjo rrethanë që në disa stacione prehistorike të Shqipërisë vihet re një vazhdimësi kulture , e cila me mjaft gjasë dëshmon për një vazhdimësi popullsie (4), dhe në çdo rasë përforcon të dhënat territoriale e historike. Duke kaluar tani te dëshmitë gjuhësore të krahasimit, aty ne shohim dy rrugë për të hetuar çështjen e lidhjeve historike iliro-shqiptare. Njëra niset nga të dhënat e shqipes, tjetra nga të dhënat e pakta e shumë herë të pasigurta të ilirishtes. Rruga e parë paraqitet më e lehtë, dhe shke ncërisht më e mbarë, meqë niset nga një