Srubnaya Ethnicity
Russian archaeological traditions permit archaeologists to
discuss the linguistic affiliations of prehistoric populations
without much apology. Such a relaxed attitude toward
language identity and material culture perhaps is facilitated
by the steppe/forest ecological border that runs across
southern Russia, which was a persistent cultural and
linguistic border for millennia. Language and ecology
are easily seen as associated in this region because they
actually were associated historically at this persistent
economic-cultural-linguistic border. Most experts agree
that the languages spoken by the Scythians and Sarmatians
across the western steppes, north of the Caspian and Black
Seas, were Iranian, specifically from the eastern Iranian
subgroup (“eastern” in relation to west Iranian within
Iran), judging from roots contained in personal names, god
names, and occasional other words noted by Greeks and
Persians after 500 BC, and from toponyms in the steppes,
as well as from archaeological remains that correlate with
rituals specified in later Persian texts (Kuzmina 2007;
Parpola 2002; Sims-Williams 2002). Continuity in skeletal
traits and artifact styles between the LBA and the Iron Age
suggests that the LBA (Srubnaya-Andronovo) population
was ancestral to the Scythian-Saka population, so almost
all Russian archaeologists accept that the languages of the
LBA steppes were an archaic form of Iranian, ancestral
to the Iranian languages spoken later in the same steppe
regions (Koryakova and Epimakhov 2007:150). Western
archaeologists tend to be dubious (Lamberg-Karlovsky
2002). The late MBA or MBA II Sintashta-Potapovka-
Filatovka chain of cultures (Figure 1.5) between the upper
Tobol River in the east (Sintashta) and the upper Don in
the west (Filatovka) was ancestral to the LBA Srubnaya-
Andronovo cultures, so is often interpreted as the material
residue of the common Indo-Iranian ancestral community.
Finno-Ugric, the prehistoric ancestor of the Uralic
languages spoken today in the forest zone north of the
Samara Valley, borrowed vocabulary from both common
Indo-Iranian and early Iranian (Koivulehto 2001), proving
that these ancient languages bordered each other, so the
forest-zone Volosovo and Garin-Bor cultures are often
assumed to represent Finno-Ugric speakers. The Indo-
Iranian ethnonym Arya/Ārya appeared as a loanword in
ancestral Finno-Ugric as *orya, denoting “slave” (Carpelan
and Parpola 2001:112), implying that Indo-Iranian Aryans
were captured and enslaved by people in the forest zone.
Arya/Ārya was a self-applied ethnonym of the composers
of the oldest hymns in Sanskrit (in the Rig Veda) and early
Iranian (in the Avesta), both compiled before 1000 BC, so
it probably was a self-applied ethnonym of the speakers
of common Indo-Iranian (Filatovka-Potapovka-Sintashta).
Finno-Ugric *orya, “slave,” therefore implies hostilities
between forest-zone Uralic and steppe-zone Indo-Iranian
speakers. But another loan into common Finno-Ugric
during the same period was common Indo-Iranian *asura,
“lord,” borrowed into Finno-Ugric as *asera, “lord”
or “prince,” implying alliance or integration between
Uralic speakers and Indo-Iranian chiefs, testifying to the
complexity of the relationships between Finno-Ugric
speakers and Indo-Iranian speakers. Finno-Ugric later
borrowed phonologically early Iranian terms for hundred,
bee, honey, tribe/troop, wheel, spindle, bridge, and boat
(Koivulehto 2001), probably during the Srubnaya period.