For now Croatian genetics shows that most of its male population comes from White Croatia to Croatia..This means that file of Porphyrogenitus from 10th century which tells about arrival of Croats is true...
Do you read serious scientific sources or popular nationalistic myths?
Everyone can believe what he wants, there are people who still believe that sun revolves around earth.
Fourth sides based on a ficitional story, how much more?
Because serious scientific sources completely different view Porphyrogenitus’ story, which is already seen (based on earlier traditions other populations).
I gave what dr Dzino Australian scientist Croatian origin writes about Porphyrogenitus’ story as fictive story, as myth, here another scientist:
F. Borri Institut für Mittelalterforschung, Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften
" The article examines Constantine Porphyrogenitus’ (913–59) witness on the arrival of the Croats in Dalmatia during the seventh century. The emperor’s narrative proposes a migration from a
land called White Croatia, located somewhere in central Europe, and a
battle with the Avars in order to secure their new territory.
The migration, although becoming an important element in nationalist thought, is not confirmed by any other source, neither contemporary, nor later,
being reported only by Constantine. I propose that the
migration was instead a literary pattern deployed by the emperor in order to explain the complex developments which brought a new elite, called Croats, to a leading position in tenth-century Dalmatia. "
The basis for the Porphyrogenitus’ story and scientific analysis (of course parts)
" If
we do not know of a direct source for Constantine’s DAI, a source that probably did not exist anyway, it is still possible to define a
common pool for the traditions described in Chapters 30 and 31.
As we will see, certain elements – such as the existence of brothers at the very beginningof a population’s history, or the crossing of a river (normally the Danube) – are mentioned by many authors in describing Barbarian migrations, often of
Scythian groups. Moreover, from the very start of Greek ethnography, similarities of names in places distant from one another were explained through the movement of consistent masses of men: a unifying gaze related ethnonyms and place names distant in space and time in the effort to rationalize a situation contemporary to the author.
Perhaps Constantine understood the presence of previously unknown ethnonyms only through the migration of a population. Already Thucydides had explained the complicated ethnic geography of fifth-century bc Greece as a result of successive migrations, mainly the Dorian one, allegedly taking place in the eleventh century bc. Also, the
story of the seven siblings finds suggestive parallels in Herodotus, the main model for the ethnography of the Barbarians of the northern steppe. Herodotus described an embassy to the Adriatic composed of five men and two women, Hyperboreans from the lands north of the Danube, echoing very closely the migration of the five brothers and two sisters from White Croatia to Dalmatia. It is therefore possible that
Constantine Porphyrogenitus found in Herodotus a model for settlement to apply to a population which,
in his mind,
had followed a similar route.
Other narrative elements of the Croatian migration seem to be dependent on the Bulgarian Wanderung described by Theophanes and Patriarch Nicephorus. The events are reported in Theophanes’
Chronography for the year 680 AD, the year 6171 from the world’s creation. The same
anno Mundi, possibly by coincidence, is mentioned in the
DAI, although Constantine does not quote it correctly, describing instead an episode linked to Arab expansion. Theophanes described a land north of the Black Sea, extending between the Sea of Azov and the River Kouphis, probably the Kuban, called Great or Old Bulgaria, which was inhabited by the Onogundurs and the Cutrigurs
. In the years of the Sicilian expedition of Constans II (663–8), Krobatos, who was ruling the region, died leaving five sons after him. The first son, called Batbaian, obeyed his father and remained in Great Bulgaria. The second, Kotragos, crossed the RiverDon and settled there.The fourth and the fifth went over the Danube: one reached Pannonia, becoming a subject of the Avar Khan, while the other travelled to Pentapolis, close to Ravenna. After this diaspora the Khazars came, submitting to Batbaian and his followers.
Theophanes added that the Bulgars going to Pannonia became the lords of the Seven Tribes, a Slavic confederation neighbouring Avar lands to the west and the south.
Up to this point there are many overlapping narrative elements, although no single one of the story lines here mentioned was Constantine’s direct source. It appears clear, however, that the narrative elements employed by the emperor were largely present in texts that he could easily access. The narrative concerning the Bulgar
Urgeschichte apparently furnished Constantine with the key to interpretingCroatian history, a history which he was not able to find in his sources because theCroatswere a group of recent formation. Owing to the numerous resonances between characters like Kotragos and Korbatos and the
Hrvati, the Bulgars, absent in the pages of the
DAI, offered the Croatian past which Constantine was looking for.
Many elements of the Croatian migration could be explained by this.
Constantine, therefore, framed the scanty information he possessed on the Croatian past according to the models that previous authors deployed to describe Scythian populations, in order to create a new history. Roman imperial historiography shared similar attitudes, connecting populations gathered around recent names with other, more ancient and prestigious ones. A good example, though distant in time, is clearly Jordanes who equated Goths and Gets, a population already mentioned by Herodotus. I believe that the information concerning Bulgars and Cutrigurs was used in the writing of Chapter 30, since Constantine considered them close to the Croats. Even Constantine’s dating of the Croats’ arrival during Heraclius’ reign could be linked to Nicephorus’ witness on Koubratos being elevated to the dignity of patρ_kioς by the same emperor. Similar motifs, like that of the brothers, one of them eponymous, are the same as those used by Herodotus in describing the Scythian past. The narrative of Chapter 31 must also have been dependent on further sources which, unfortunately, I have not been able to identify.
The absence of a clear Croatian origo gentis, transmitted from father to son through generations from White Croatia or even further, is moreover confirmed by the disparate and heterogeneous nature of the material that Constantine was forced to use, and by the appearance in the DAI of two divergent versions, only partially elaborated.
Through a single clear intent, the different traditions were simultaneously collected in the same treatise in a way which we may judge to be uncritical, though apparently the
Konkurrenz der Ursprünge did not represent a contradiction for Constantine Porphyrogenitus, nor perhaps for his audience either.
Who, therefore, were the Croats? At the moment this question is still difficult to answer.
Milo Barada suggested that the
Croats were a group formed at the edges of the Avar empire and
Walter Pohl proposed the
Croats to be border guards of the Avar empire,
developing in an ethnic group only in the ninth century. I suggest that
we should date this process even later.
What we can affirm with a degree of certainty is that Constantine lent importance to the Croats because he thought they might make good allies against the Bulgars, and he wanted to bring this dynamic, recently formed group to the attention of his successor. The emperor, however, expressed this judgement in a text destined to have a very poor circulation, dedicating to the Croats much less space in writings reaching a wider audience. Moreover, Constantine’s predictions never came about, and the Croats did not become a leading power in the Balkans. The same emperor stated that the amazing military power of the Croats was in decline at the time he was writing, which is perhaps a trace of the difficulties that the group was experiencing in affirming itself. After the death of Romanus II (963), the conquests of Emperor John (969–76)
must have limited the importance of the
Croats as an adversary of the Bulgarians. Under
Basil II (976–1025), finally, both Byzantines and Venetians further undermined the chances of
this recently formed group. In later years the
Croats were mentioned in the Greek world almost only by authors who were quoting the Life of Basil or the
Book of Ceremonies.
In conclusion, we can assert that the
Croatian migration did not take place, but that
Constantine Porphyrogenitus created it relying on the literary models traditionally applied to describe the Landnahme of Scythian Barbarians. "