There's no need to leave the union, because the U.S. government will bail them out one way or another. That's the difference between a real "union" and the pretend one in Europe. These are the differences between the two systems. (Rather than just rephrasing, I'll just quote.

)
"Common banking policies. US banks are regulated at the federal level, and the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation guarantees banks in all 50 states. American regulators don't allow a bank in one state to hold too much of that state's debt. As a result, American states aren't vulnerable to local bank failures the way European countries are. A string of bank failures in Texas would mostly be a problem for the US government, not the government of Texas. Conversely, if an American state has a fiscal crisis, consumers don't need to worry that this will imperil the soundness of local banks.
Common fiscal policies. In the United States, the federal government is responsible for a large share of overall government spending. That's not true in Europe, where the European Union's budget is much smaller than the combined budgets of EU member nations. This means that states are not as vulnerable to macroeconomic swings as European nations are.
"Retirees in Florida are paid out of the US Social Security system, not the Florida social security system "So if Florida gets into trouble, the retirees won't lose their benefits."
America's common tax and spending policies help to even out differences in states' economies. When a state is booming, the federal government collects more tax revenue from residents and businesses there. At the same time, demand for some government benefits declines. When a state's economy does poorly, the opposite occurs: tax revenue falls and federal benefit payments increase. These financial flows help to prevent the kind of extreme economic divergence we see in Europe right now.
A common labor market: When some parts of the US have higher unemployment rates than others, people move to states where opportunities are better. Once again, this prevents extreme differences between state unemployment rates, contributing to an integrated national economy.
In theory, all those unemployed Greek people could move to Germany in search of work. But language and cultural barriers make that difficult in practice, and few Greek people have done so.
The euro could work with "ever closer union" — but that won't be easy
The currency's problems are by no means limited to Greece. Other countries in the Southern Europe, including Spain, Italy, and Portugal, have been suffering through years of unnecessarily high unemployment due in part to ECB policies.
And similar problems are going to crop up every time the continent experiences an economic downturn. The strongest economies will lobby against strong stimulus due to inflation fears, which will push weaker economies into unnecessarily long and severe recessions. Because most other European countries don't have Greek levels of debt, this may never produce a Greek-style financial crisis. But years of unnecessarily high unemployment is a humanitarian disaster in its own right.
The best way to avoid this outcome is the one we use in the United States: deeply integrate the economies of Eurozone nations so that a sharp divergence between European countries becomes impossible.
The EU has been
working on proposals to better integrate the European banking system, though it's a long way from completing the job.
Developing a set of EU-wide taxing and spending policies — the counterparts to the US income tax and federally-funded benefits such as Social Security and Medicaid — will be a much bigger challenge. Every year, taxpayers in rich US states effectively subsidize federal benefits for people in poorer states; taxpayers in rich European countries are understandably wary of adopting a similar set of policies in Europe.
True labor market integration will be the hardest challenge of all, because here the problems are about language and culture more than government policy. The EU isn't going to have a shared language any time soon, so workers may never move around the EU as freely as they move around the US today.
But progress toward closer union has been slow, and there's reason to doubt whether it will ever be achieved. And if a more integrated Europe is out of reach, then the euro is a terrible idea that will impose needless suffering on millions of people for years to come. "
Conclusion: As long as the European Union remains a loose confederation of independent nations, the euro will be an economic menace
There is no way I believe that Germany or many other Euro countries really want the kind of union where when Detroit defaults, for example, the federal taxpayers still foot the bill so that the SSA benefits still get paid, the state still gives out food stamps, eventually the state or federal government come in and build everything up again. They want the benefits, but not the burdens.
We actually had many of the same kind of problems during the days of the Articles of Confederation, but they proved unworkable just like the Euro is unworkable, and so they were scrapped, and the founders drafted the Constitution of the United States, which still provides for some local controls but has an overlay of common banking, fiscal and labor policy on top of local ones. (The U.S. is still a republic and states and local municipalities still have power in ways that provinces and cities in a country like France do not.)
Part of the deal was that the debts of the individual states were absorbed by the new federal government. It was one of the more controversial elements but it had to be done.
Oh, he addresses the question of stimulus versus austerity too.
"Basic monetary theory says that when an economy is in a depression as severe as the one in Greece, the solution is aggressive monetary stimulus. So if you wanted to help Greece, you'd want to start printing more money in an effort to lower interest rates, boost demand, and bring down the country's unemployment rate. (The favorite stimulus of the American Republican party- Cut government spending, but put more money into circulation by cutting personal taxes. The favorite stimulus of the American Democratic Party-more government spending.)
On the other hand, if you were just focusing on the German economy, you'd reach the opposite conclusion. Germany's economy is already booming. The economy can't grow much faster than it already is. So more monetary stimulus will just produce inflation. You might even want to cut back to prevent the German economy from overheating.
The problem is that the ECB is responsible for both Greece
and Germany — and 17 other countries as well. The right policy for Greece will be a disaster for Germany, and vice versa. Any policy the ECB picks will be either too tight for some European countries or too loose for others."